The Agami Heron is a little-known species that is difficult to observe outside its breeding sites. During the breeding season, it displays intensely colored plumage, while throughout the rest of the year it tends to be more elusive. The species is classified as Vulnerable on the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) Red List, partly due to the loss and degradation of its habitat.

A Colony at Pacuare Reserve

The presence of Agami Herons at Pacuare Reserve began to be documented in the early 2000s. Although local residents had already reported seeing brightly colored birds in the area, it was around 2003 and 2004 that they were confirmed to be Agami Herons using the site for breeding.

In 2004, the Reserve began a research project focused on monitoring this colony. The goal is to collect information about the birds’ reproduction and use it to guide management and conservation decisions. Monitoring includes recording nests, chicks, and bird behavior. Researchers make regular visits to the nesting site and use camouflaged structures to observe the colony and collect data without approaching the birds directly.

According to information from the Reserve, more than 4,450 Agami Heron chicks have been monitored since the project began. Long-term monitoring makes it possible to compare results between breeding seasons and gain a better understanding of the colony’s reproductive conditions.

Why Do Agami Herons Nest at Pacuare?

The presence of Agami Herons is closely related to the characteristics of the ecosystem protected by Pacuare Reserve. The area preserves tropical forests, wetlands, waterways, and a stretch of coastline that provide habitat for numerous species.

The Reserve protects approximately 688.6 hectares (1,701 acres) and six kilometers of coastline. The area is also used by sea turtles, jaguars, monkeys, frogs, and various bird species.

In this way, conserving these environments helps maintain the conditions different species need to feed, seek shelter, and reproduce. For the Agami Heron, the presence of aquatic environments and forested areas provides the resources and sites it needs during its breeding cycle.

A Reserve Created to Protect Sea Turtles

The history of Pacuare Reserve began before the Agami Heron became one of its main research subjects. In 1989, John Denham established The Endangered Wildlife Trust with the goal of acquiring and protecting land between Costa Rica’s Caribbean coast and the Tortuguero Canal. At the time, the lands that now make up the Reserve were divided among several properties, some of which were used for activities such as cattle ranching and coconut farming.

The area also faced problems related to the collection of sea turtle eggs and the hunting of green turtles. During the nesting season, large numbers of poachers arrived at the beach, affecting many nests.

With the creation of the Reserve, a process of protecting and restoring the area began. Sea turtle research and conservation programs were developed and, over the years, initiatives focused on studying other species found in the area were also expanded.

From Sea Turtle Conservation to Protecting Other Species

The work carried out at Pacuare Reserve demonstrates the connection between conserving a species and protecting its habitat.

The Reserve was initially established primarily to protect beaches used by sea turtles, but maintaining its terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems has also helped preserve habitats used by other species. Among them is the Agami Heron, whose nesting colony has become the focus of ongoing research. Protecting the area allows the birds to continue using the site while researchers collect information about their reproduction.

The Reserve also conducts projects involving other species and maintains education and research programs. Since 2000, Ecology Project International (EPI) has worked at the site with students and scientists, combining field research with conservation education.

Research and Observation of the Herons

Studying the colony requires specific protocols to minimize disturbance. Visits to the nesting site are conducted in small groups and accompanied by members of the research team.

Before entering the site, visitors receive information about the species’ biology and behavior. During observations, they must remain quiet and respect designated areas to avoid disrupting the birds’ activities.

There are also restrictions on the use of lights, chemicals, and other elements that could affect the colony. These measures make it possible to conduct research and educational activities without unnecessarily interfering with the herons’ natural behavior.

A Colony That Continues to Be Studied

Despite years of research, aspects of the Agami Heron’s biology and behavior still require further study. Information collected at Pacuare helps researchers understand changes in the colony from one breeding season to another and provides data that can be used to inform conservation decisions.

The project is also part of broader efforts to understand the species’ conservation status and share information with researchers and organizations dedicated to its study.

The conservation of the Agami Heron at Pacuare depends largely on maintaining the conditions of the ecosystem it uses. For this reason, decades of work to protect the area have benefited not only the sea turtles that initially motivated the creation of the Reserve, but also the many other species that now use this protected space. Among them, the Agami Heron has an important place in Pacuare Reserve’s research programs, where its nesting colony continues to be monitored to improve knowledge of the species and contribute to its conservation.

Sensorial Sunsets

Located in a stunning natural setting, these sites represent much more than a collection of archaeological remains. They bear witness to the complex societies that inhabited the region over a thousand years ago and left behind the famous stone spheres—a symbol of national identity and one of the continent’s greatest archaeological mysteries.

Through the Diquís Project, the National Museum of Costa Rica promotes the conservation, research, and dissemination of this heritage, enabling both domestic and international visitors to learn about an essential part of the history that Costa Rica shares with the world today.

A region shaped by waves of migration

The cultural richness of Diquís region is not limited to its pre-Columbian past. The region’s contemporary history has been shaped by various groups of people who, throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, came to the southern part of the country in search of new opportunities and helped forge a unique identity.

One of the most notable groups is the Chiricanos, who hail from the Panamanian province of Chiriquí and constitute one of the most influential ethnic groups in shaping the culture of cantons such as Osa, Buenos Aires, and Golfito. Although their contribution has not always been sufficiently recognized, surnames such as Pinzón, Beita, Quintero, Atencio, Caballero, Lezcano, and Pití are part of the region’s collective memory and social fabric.

Migrants from Costa Rica’s Central Valley also played an important role in shaping the region. They brought with them traditions associated with coffee cultivation, guitar music, sugarcane mills, the production of aguadulce (traditional unrefined cane sugar drink), and other cultural expressions that enriched the daily life of southern communities.

The Banana Revolution in the South Pacific

One of the events that had the greatest impact on the region’s development was the arrival of the Banana Company in the 1930s. After winding down its operations in the Costa Rican Caribbean, the company shifted much of its business to the South Pacific, triggering profound economic, social, and demographic changes.

The expansion of banana plantations attracted thousands of workers from different parts of the country and abroad, giving rise to new communities and transforming the landscape of the area. This process marked the birth of a regional identity closely linked to agricultural work and cultural diversity.

People from Guanacaste, Nicaraguans, and Chinese: a shared heritage

Migrants from Guanacaste likewise made a significant contribution to the region. Thousands left the northern Costa Rican savannas seeking new opportunities in the so-called “Banana Zone.” Their culture, customs, and traditions blended into the rich social mosaic that defines southern Costa Rica today.

Adding to this history is the presence of Nicaraguan communities, whose influence was decisive in shaping the region’s demographics. Historical data indicate that in 1950, approximately 15% of the population of Osa, Golfito, and Aguirre came from Nicaragua, establishing a significant cultural and human legacy that remains relevant to this day.

Another key group has been the Chinese community and its descendants. Their presence in southern Costa Rica dates back to the late 19th century, particularly in El Pozo, now known as Ciudad Cortés, where families of Chinese origin have been recorded since that time. Through trade, entrepreneurship, and community integration, this population has contributed to the region’s economic and cultural development.

Art, Tradition, and Identity

The history of Osa and its surrounding areas is the result of the interplay between pre-Columbian heritage, colonial processes, migration, and the economic transformations of the 20th century. This complex historical process continues to be reflected in the region’s artistic and artisanal expressions.

Crafts, painting, music, and other cultural expressions constantly reinterpret the myths, stories, and traditions passed down through generations. They bring together indigenous roots, migratory influences, and the everyday experiences of those who have shaped the identity of Costa Rica’s South Pacific region.

As such, Diquís is not only an archaeological site of universal significance, but also a living landscape where history, culture, and diversity continue to intertwine, shaping one of Costa Rica’s most fascinating regions.

Sensorial Sunsets

The Early Days of Telephony

In the 1880s, Costa Ricans began to learn about the existence of the telephone as a means of communication. Although at first it seemed unattainable, in 1886 the first people began to ask the government for permits to develop telephone service in the country. Owning a telephone became a symbol of social status.

First Concession

Luis Batres García Granados, who was also responsible for the illumination of San José, was one of the first to promote the telephone in Costa Rica. Despite initial doubts about its usefulness, it was thanks to his efforts that, in 1887, Silas W. Hasting obtained the first telephone concession. This allowed for the installation of the first 50 telephones in San José and the establishment of a telephone exchange in the capital.

While the service was expanding, several companies made efforts to make it more accessible in San José and the main cities. Telephone exchanges served until 10 p.m., and an employee was left on duty to answer emergency calls. By 1918, the Telephone Company, directed by Felipe J. Alvarado, offered service to most customers in the country.

History of Telephony in Costa Rica: Selected List of Members

Around that time, access to the telephone was very limited and reserved for well-known families, including coffee growers, businessmen, doctors, lawyers and politicians. Some prominent members included figures such as Otilio Ulate, Rafael Iglesias and Federico Tinoco, who were identified with simple telephone numbers.

From its beginnings to becoming an essential service, the history of telephony reflects how the country has evolved and adopted new technologies to improve communication among its inhabitants.

On September 27, 2024, the Escazú Agreement marked six years since it was officially opened for signature and ratification by States at a side event of the United Nations General Assembly (see full text of the Escazú Agreement).

Predictably, this new anniversary went totally unnoticed in Costa Rica, as well as in several other States that, together with Costa Rica, were among the first to sign it in 2018 (and whose current authorities in the Executive Branch, six years later, do not consider it appropriate to support its legislative approval). Similarly. last March 4, the date on which this valuable regional instrument was adopted in 2018 in the Costa Rican canton of Escazú, (after nine long rounds of negotiations that lasted five years, seven months and seven days), the same mutism and indifference were observed in Costa Rica.

Despite the lack of interest on the part of some States, on September 25 Colombia proceeded to complete a long process by formally depositing its instrument of ratification with the United Nations General Secretariat: Colombia thus became the 17th State Party to the Escazú Agreement, adopted in 2018.

In contrast to other deposits of the instrument of ratification, it is worth noting the presence of its highest authorities in the official delegation present in New York for the formal act of delivery of the instrument of ratification (see press article with photo of the same),

Numerous specialists have described the text adopted in Escazú as a modern legal instrument for environmental management and governance, and this from many different perspectives and disciplines (Note 1).

A forum held in February 2023 with two eminent Costa Rican environmental law specialists, entitled “Escazú Agreement, what’s next?” and sponsored by the Costa Rican digital media LaRevista.cr (see link) explained the scope of the file by the Legislative Assembly, reiterating in passing, the unsoundness of the alleged ‘arguments’ spread against the Escazú Agreement by several Costa Rican business chambers: our esteemed readers are invited to listen (and re-listen) to this important space for discussion and analysis, which made it possible to uncover the maneuvers and tripwires of various kinds that the Escazú Agreement has had to suffer in Costa Rica in recent years, including those imposed by the Constitutional Chamber itself on two occasions.

A brief account of the processing in Colombia

Since November 5, 2022, after both chambers of the Colombian Congress approved the text of the Escazú Agreement, the Colombian Executive Branch has been patiently awaiting the decision of the Constitutional Court, which took almost two years to declare itself in favor of the Escazú Agreement (Note 2).

There is no information on the exact reasons why the study of this international treaty by the Colombian constitutional magistrates took so long. To have an idea of the time frame, we can mention that:

• The law approving the Belém do Para Convention to Punish and Prevent Violence against Women was approved by the Executive Branch on December 29, 1995 and the Constitutional Court issued its ruling on September 4, 1996 (see sentence);
• The law approving the bilateral trade promotion agreement with the United States was enacted on July 7, 2007 by the Executive Branch, and the Constitutional Court issued its ruling on July 24, 2008 (see text);
• An act approving the 2006 United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities was enacted by the Colombian Executive on July 31, 2009 and the constitutional judge’s ruling is dated April 21, 2010 (see text).

In the case of the Escazu Agreement, the wait was much longer: in fact, sanctioned by the Executive Branch on November 5, 2022, it was only on August 28, 2024 that the Constitutional Court issued its favorable decision regarding the law approving the Escazu Agreement: see the link).

Colombia thus joins the 16 States that have already ratified it (see official status of signatures and ratifications), including Argentina, Belize, Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador, Guyana, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama and Uruguay.

To date in Latin America, the following States remain distant, having signed the Executive Power but not approved the Escazú Agreement (attribution of the Legislative Power): Brazil, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Haiti, Paraguay, Peru and Dominican Republic. Noted that they were the first States to sign the Escazú Agreement, on September 27, 2018, together with seven other States, in New York.

Among the Latin American States that have not even signed it (an act that falls to the Executive Branch), the following persist at the time of writing (October 2, 2024): Cuba, El Salvador, Honduras and Venezuela.

Selected dates for depositing its instrument of ratification

Note that, like Bolivia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Saint Kitts and Nevis and Uruguay in 2019, the Colombian Foreign Ministry chose to formally deposit the instrument of ratification on a date close to September 27: it is, as previously indicated, the day on which this regional instrument was formally opened for signature by States at the United Nations, on the occasion of a protocolary ceremony held during a side event at the United Nations General Assembly on September 27, 2018.

Other States, instead, chose a date close to March 4 (date on which the instrument was adopted in Costa Rica in 2018) to formally proceed with the deposit of the instrument of ratification at the United Nations: Belize in 2023, as well as Nicaragua and Panama (2020).

In the case of Chile (June 13), possibly its authorities sought to deposit the instrument of accession around June 5, 2022 (International Environment Day), without taking into account the internal timing and deadlines in force within Chile’s diplomatic apparatus.

The diplomatic apparatuses of Argentina and Mexico coordinated perfectly to deposit, on January 22, 2021, their respective instruments of ratification before the United Nations General Secretariat, which allowed the entry into force of the Escazú Agreement (both States being the required ratification number 11) to materialize for the celebration of Earth Day, on April 22, 2021. Rarely has the United Nations seen such careful coordination between two diplomatic apparatuses to jointly deposit their respective instruments of ratification.

The Escazú Agreement: going from strength to strength

Despite the lack of media coverage in Costa Rica, the third Conference of States Parties to the Escazu Agreement (COP3) was held in Santiago, Chile in April 2024 (see preparatory document March 2024).

Despite the lack of media coverage in Costa Rica, the third Conference of States Parties to the Escazu Agreement (COP3) was held in Santiago, Chile in April 2024 (see preparatory document March 2024).

In April 2023, COP2 was held in Buenos Aires, Argentina (see final report). We had had the opportunity to welcome, among other aspects, the return of Chile in 2023, as a State Party: see our article entitled “Escazú Agreement: a second COP more than successful” published in the Costa Rican digital media Delfino.cr..

At this COP2 held in Argentina, the States Parties chose the members of the Committee for Implementation and Compliance Support of the Escazu Agreement, the body of independent experts created by the same treaty in its Article 18 (see link).

To complete this sequence, the first COP met in April 2022 in Santiago, Chile (see program), with 12 States Parties to the Escazú Agreement at that time, namely: Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador, Guyana, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as well as Uruguay. In this link you can consult the final report – of more than 70 pages – of this first and historic meeting for the Escazú Agreement and environmental governance in Latin America and the Caribbean.

The success of this cutting-edge legal instrument is evidenced not only by the decisions taken at its first three Conferences of States Parties: also when reviewing the inputs gathered to ensure proper implementation, elaborated from ECLAC (Economic Commission for Latin America) itself in a valuable implementation guide of the Escazú Agreement, which was formally presented in April 2022 (full text available here): for each article, States and civil society organizations, as well as other actors, have at their disposal a detailed analysis that invites them to actions of a very diverse nature.

With specific regard to implementation, Chile is possibly the State that is making the greatest efforts since it became a State Party to the Escazú Agreement. Even its current environmental authorities held a meeting to celebrate six years of the Escazu Agreement (since its opening for signature by States at the United Nations), on September 25, 2024 (see link): this is one more activity that comes to add to a series of initiatives gathered in this link special on the Escazu Agreement maintained by its environmental authorities from its official site. Undoubtedly, these valuable initiatives in Chile should inspire many other States Parties to the Escazú Agreement.

In October 2023, Argentina, for its part, provided itself with a real “National Plan for the Implementation of the Escazu Agreement” (see document), preceded by a “Road to Implementation / Argentina” prepared by ECLAC itself (see document).

It is worth noting that in May 2024, ECLAC itself made available to the public and the States an innovative digital tool for the implementation of the Escazú Agreement: see link to this platform.

The notable advances in South America in relation to the Escazú Agreement can be contrasted with the total lack of governmental initiative in Central America to protect those who speak out in defense of the environment and safeguard their rights.

The persistent absence of Costa Rica

Regarding Costa Rica, it is of some interest to recall its persistent absence as a State Party to the Escazú Agreement, adopted in March 2018 in … Costa Rica, after having co-led the negotiations with Chile (Note 3).

During the long months in which it examined the Escazú Agreement, the Colombian Constitutional Court did not find any of the strange “findings” of the Costa Rican Judiciary to hinder its processing, to which we referred in our aforementioned article and in a previous article on the real “myths” created by some sectors against the Escazú Agreement in Costa Rica (Note 4).

Nor did a single Colombian magistrate detect any threat in criminal matters with an alleged risk that would mean the reversal of the burden of proof in environmental matters: an alleged “argument” presented as such by various Costa Rican business chambers and a magistrate of the Constitutional Chamber (Note 5).

We had already had the opportunity, in 2023, to conclude that the loneliness of the Costa Rican Judiciary in Latin America is latent, by stating that:

Rarely has such an erroneous and wrong interpretative criterion of Costa Rican judges been evidenced in such a singular manner. And rarely has the dissenting (and solitary) criterion of a judge of the Constitutional Chamber been so comforted by the practice in other States after having been externalized (March 2020)” (Note 6).

The fact that none of the 16 States that, before Colombia, have ratified the Escazu Agreement, have observed any hindrance in their respective economies or any type of brake in infrastructure projects, should call for reflection to some sectors in Costa Rica: in particular a few, prone to repeat as true, alleged “arguments” vented from a sector of the business community against this valuable regional instrument.

Manifestation against the Ministry of Health, August 21, 2008, with the presence of the Minister of Health, Maria Luisa Avila, about the attempt – somewhat original – of the health authorities to legalize the bromacil in drinking water (no joke, just as you read, legalize the bromacil in drinking water) of several communities affected by the senseless expansion of the MD2 (or “Sweet Gold”) exprotation pineapple in the Siquirres region. In 2011, health authorities shunned a public debate at the same UCR (see note). In 2017, Executive Decree 40423 finally banned the use of bromacil in Costa Rica. Photo belonging to the author’s files. It was read in 2009 by the same holder of Health that, “Those of IRET have refused to give the names of the children, with the argument of confidentiality, which personally seems to me an absurdity in these cases. Personally and as Minister, it seems to me an outrage“ (see article of the Semanario Universidad entitled ‘Revelation of agrochemicals in urine of minors generates dispute’).

Several attempts were made to publicly debate these “arguments” disseminated by business chambers with academics and specialists in environmental matters and all failed: first in April 2021 with a space sponsored by the Costa Rican digital media Delfino. cr, then in May 2021 with a debate organized by the UCR (see also official press release of the UCR), as well as in June 2021 by the College of Biologists of Costa Rica.

As these were virtual forums in which private business organizations were asked to connect their representatives at a specific time on a date set in advance, the reasons given for not attending raise very valid questions. Apparently, sending communiqués to congressmen against the Escazu Agreement (such as this letter of February 2022 signed by several important Costa Rican private sector corporations) and constantly shying away from public debate on their alleged “arguments” is the tonic of some in Costa Rica.

Central America and the Escazú Agreement

Needless to say, Costa Rica’s non-approval has had an impact beyond Costa Rican territory, offering an unexpected argument to the detractors of the Escazú Agreement in Central America, particularly in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras.

These are Central American states that either:

• persist in not ratifying it, such as Guatemala, which, moreover, in 2022 notified a peculiar request to the Secretary General of the United Nations, never previously observed in relation to a human rights treaty by a State in Latin America. The only similar precedent found refers to similar notifications sent by the United States and Israel to the United Nations in 2002 to “withdraw” their signature to the Rome Statute adopted in 1998 (Note 7);
• or from States that have not even signed it (as in the case of El Salvador and Honduras).

As far as Guatemala is concerned, there is no information available to know what motivated such an action in December 2022 by its diplomatic authorities: it is intuited that it is some obscure “legend” fabricated by legal advisors of the Guatemalan business sector at the end of 2022 against the Escazú Agreement.

Regarding Costa Rica, it is worth noting that in an article of the Costa Rican specialized publication Ojo al Clima, dated April 2021, on the scope of the Escazu Agreement and the contradictions, misinterpretations and fantasies created by some, regarding its content, we read something very striking that since April 2021, would warrant some clarifications. In fact, the negotiator of the Escazú Agreement on behalf of Costa Rica, the former Costa Rican Vice-Minister of Environment, Patricia Madrigal Cordero, points out with respect to a magistrate of the Constitutional Chamber, Nancy Hernández, the following:

A “statement” released by the aforementioned constitutional magistrate and recorded during an academic event at the UCR Law School, raises even more doubts and evidences her ignorance of the environmental regulations in force in Costa Rica and the principles that govern it (see this documentary from 2021 on the Escazú Agreement produced by the UCR, starting at minute 4:56). In the final part of this documentary (one of the few existing in Costa Rica on the Escazú Agreement), a sentence begins stating that “Magistrate Hernández declined to give statements for this documentary…”, minute 8:45).

A conclusion

Beyond the strange coincidences between the UCCAEP and the concerns of the aforementioned constitutional magistrate, the fact that, six years after the opening for signature and ratification of the Escazú Agreement, Costa Rica remains distant from this valuable instrument raises some very valid questions: its international image in the environmental field has been quite damaged since the Legislative Assembly filed the bill for the approval of the Escazú Agreement in February 2023 (Note 8).

The deterioration has been confirmed in recent years, with environmental authorities highly questioned in recent months. In an appearance related to the controversy of the moment in the second half of 2024 in Costa Rica, Gandoca Manzanillo (Note 9), the highest environmental authority on August 6 (see video) denoted a rather worrying lack of knowledge regarding the threats received in the South Caribbean by activists and members of social organizations: see the ‘I don’t know’ that can be heard from him at minute 1:52:01 and that he repeats three times in front of the members of the legislative commission.

At the local area, there are recurrent legal actions against the refusal of municipal authorities to provide public information on projects likely to have negative effects on the environment (see, among many other cases, link to this recent legal action – September 2024 – filed against the mayor of San Rafael de Heredia by the NGO Conceverde). This is not to mention the granting in “express” and unconsulted mode of municipal permits for controversial projects in different communities (see for example note from 2016 on the granting of municipal permits to an asphalt plant in San Miguel de Santo Domingo de Heredia).

Despite the rather unique spectacle that Costa Rica offers to international observers interested in environmental issues, the guiding principles of the Escazú Agreement will find fertile ground in Colombia, given the plight of many Colombian environmental leaders and heads of small rural and/or indigenous communities who are speaking out in defense of the environment. Colombian environmental authorities materialized in March 2024 an effort to facilitate access to public information on environmental matters, which should be hailed and replicated in other parts of the American continent (see publication official publication entitled “Policy of transparency and access to public information”).

After Chile, where the political-business elite had also managed to raise unfounded fears against the Escazú Agreement, based on alleged “arguments” between 2018 and 2021, Colombia now joins the States in favor of a much more inclusive and participatory environmental governance in Latin America.

It is to be hoped that this sustained effort by Colombian civil society, articulated with the academic sector and other sectors of Colombian society in favor of the Escazú Agreement (Note 10), which gradually managed to explain the fallaciousness of many of the myths and legends created against the protection of those who defend the environment, will be replicated in the future in other latitudes of the American continent, particularly in Central America, but also in the South of the continent.

– – – Notes – – – –

Note 1: See for example PEÑA CHACÓN M., “Transparencia y rendición de cuentas en el Estado de Derecho ambiental”, Delfino.cr, edition of April 17, 2021, available here. On the Escazú Agreement, we refer to three valuable (and somewhat voluminous) collective publications that detail the scope of its content and its importance for the consolidation of a true environmental democracy in Latin America and the Caribbean:

ATILIO FRANZA J. & PRIEUR M. (dir.),Escazú Agreement: international, regional and national approach, Editorial Jusbaires, Buenos Aires, 2022, 670 pp. Work available in full in this link; as well as BARCENA A., MUÑOZ AVILA L., TORRES V. (Editors), El Acuerdo de Escazú sobre democracia ambiental y su relación con la Agenda 2030 para el Desarrollo Sostenible, 2021, CEPAL / Universidad del Rosario (Colombia), 298 pp. Complete work available in this link; and PRIEUR M., SOZZO G. and NAPOLI A. (Editors), Escazú Agreement: pact for the eco-economy and democracy of the 21st century, 330 pp., 2020, Universidad del Litoral (Argentina). Complete work available in this link.

Note 2: See in this regard our note BOEGLIN N., “Escazú Agreement: Colombia is very close to officially becoming a State Party after Chile (2022), Argentina and Mexico (2021). Notes from Costa Rica”, published on October 26, 2022. Text available here..

Note 3: We refer our esteemed readers to BOEGLIN N., “Costa Rica and the Escazú Agreement: history of a persistent absence”, Revista de Ciencias Ambientales (UNA, Heredia), Vol. 58 (2024), pp.1-11. Full text of the article available here.

Note 4: See BOEGLIN N., “ ‘¡Llegaron los mitos!’: a propósito de los recientes comunicados en contra del Acuerdo de Escazú”, Sección Voz Experta, Portal de la Universidad de Costa Rica (UCR), December 16, 2020. Text available here. Regarding the unusual nature of the finding made by the Judiciary, which apparently has not aroused much criticism in Costa Rica, we refer to the subtitle “The deep solitude of the Costa Rican Judiciary in Latin America” in our article published in the specialized legal site of DerechoalDia, in its edition of November 17, 2022.

Note 5: On the principle of reversal of the burden in environmental matters contained in the Escazú Agreement that a Costa Rican judge of the Constitutional Chamber interpreted in a completely erroneous manner in a vote in March 2020, see a recently released strong criticism, the complete reading of which is recommended: CHINCHILLA-CALDERÓN R. , “Principle of innocence, criminal ‘burden of proof’, environmental crimes and the Escazú Agreement”, Revista Iberoamericana de Derecho, Cultura y Ambiente, 2024. Full text available here.

Note 6: See BOEGLIN N., “Escazú Agreement: wind in the stern. Inter-American Court of Human Rights incorporates it, while Costa Rica’s unusual absence persists“, Portal de la UCR, Voz Experta Section, April 10, 2023 edition. text available here.

Note 7: A letter from the United Nations states that Guatemala sent the following notification to the United Nations on December 20, 2022, announcing that it has no intention of becoming a State Party in the future (see bottom of this link):

Specialists in formal parallels will be able to compare Guatemala’s strange letter of 2022 with the (equally strange) letter sent by Israel in 2002 requesting that its signature to the 1998 Rome Statute creating the International Criminal Court (ICC) have no effect whatsoever. It reads (see final part of the official statement of signatures and ratifications of the Rome Statute, point 4) that:

The parallelism of forms can be oriented to the “cut and paste” technique when reviewing a similar letter from the United States in May 2022, always apropos of the Rome Statute and read at point 14 at the end of the official status of signatures and ratifications:

Note 8: The filing by the Legislative Assembly, on February 1, 2023, of the legislative file on the approval of the Escazú Agreement (see our note) has substantially damaged Costa Rica’s image abroad:

Several headlines in the international press last February 2023 highlighting Costa Rica’s inconsistency in environmental matters (see for example this article published in El Mundo (Spain) entitled “Costa Rica subtracts points as a ‘green country’”; or this cable from the international agency AFP replicated in El Observador of Uruguay using the word ‘retroceso’). More recently, this article entitled “Lauded as Green Model, Costa Rica Faces Unrest in Its Forests” published by Yale University in the United States details this and other inconsistencies in Costa Rica in environmental matters.

From the United Nations, the same Independent Rapporteur on Human Rights and Environment was quick to express his deep dissatisfaction with this decision of the Costa Rican Legislative Assembly to shelve this legislative file (see note published in the Costa Rican digital media Delfino.cr). As indicated in a note published by Semanario Universidad on the same date of February 1st, by not approving the Escazú Agreement: “Costa Rica is losing all international credibility, by turning its back on two traditional pillars of its foreign policy, such as human rights and the environment”.

Note 9: Regarding the latest, somewhat witty proposal by Costa Rica’s top environmental authorities, see BOEGLIN N., “Gandoca / Manzanillo:the legal obligations that the Ramsar Convention implies for Costa Rica”, edited September 11, 2024. Full text available here. .

Note 10: See this valuable publication published in Colombia and entitled Myths and Truths of the Escazu Agreement, as well as this link of the Universidad del Rosario, and, from the academic sector this very complete article MUÑOZ AVILA L. & LOZANO AMAYA M.A. ‘La democracia ambiental y el Acuerdo de Escazú en Colombia a partir de la Constitución ecológica de 1991’, Revista Derecho del Estado, Number 50 (Sept.-Dec. 2021), pp. 165-2002. Dec. 2021), pp. 165-200. The full text of this extensive article is available here.

From the communications sector, the talented Colombian team of La Pulla produced a video entitled “La nueva trampa que nos quieren hacer los congresistas” (see link ), which responds to the large number of totally fallacious arguments against this regional instrument, breaking down in an extremely ingenious way many of the reasoning heard not only in Colombia: These are true myths and legends, heard in several other States of the American continent against the Escazú Agreement, and which have influential followers in the business sector and no less influential relays in a sector of the corporate press. It is not superfluous to refer also to this legal opinion of the Colombian NGO DeJusticia to the magistrates of the Constitutional Court in October 2023 (see text).

Current State of Climate Change

The increase in global temperature is one of the clearest indicators of climate change. Since pre-industrial times, the planet’s average temperature has risen by approximately 1.1 °C, and this increase is expected to continue due to the burning of fossil fuels, deforestation and other human activities that emit greenhouse gases. These gases trap heat in the atmosphere, exacerbating extreme weather events and altering ecosystems on a large scale.

Some of the most visible impacts of climate change include melting glaciers, rising sea levels, extreme weather events such as droughts and floods, and loss of biodiversity. These alterations are driving many species to the brink of extinction, and are transforming natural habitats around the world.

Antarctic Green Coverage

In recent decades, global warming has allowed something unusual to appear in Antarctica: the growth of mosses and algae in areas previously covered by ice. This phenomenon, known as “green cover,” is a direct result of rising temperatures and melting ice in the region.

As temperatures rise and ice retreats, new areas of exposed land offer warmer and wetter conditions that are conducive to vegetation. Although these changes may seem small compared to other effects of climate change, they have significant implications. Growing vegetation alters carbon cycles, as plants sequester carbon dioxide, and can impact global climate by changing local ecological patterns.

Impact on Biodiversity

Growing plants in Antarctica are also affecting the biodiversity of the region. Although there are only two native plant species, Deschampsia antarctica and Colobanthus quitensis, both have shown accelerated growth in recent decades. This growth could alter the ecological balance of the area and have consequences not only for these plants, but also for species that depend on certain habitats, such as penguins and seals.

Antarctic Species at Risk

1. Adelaide penguin: This species has seen a decline of up to 80% in some areas due to reduced sea ice, which limits its ability to find food.
2. Antarctic Krill: This crustacean is a key element in the Antarctic food chain. The reduction of sea ice has negatively affected its population, which in turn affects whales, penguins and seals that depend on krill as a food source.
3. Whales: Whales, such as blue whales, are at risk due to the decline of krill, which compromises their feeding and survival.

Changes in the Antarctic Ecosystem

Accelerated plant growth in Antarctica also has the potential to alter soil dynamics and facilitate the arrival of invasive species. This could have a devastating impact on native species, which are adapted to specific habitat conditions. Besides, the increase in vegetation may intensify competition for resources, affecting local fauna.

Scientists warn that this phenomenon could mark an ecological tipping point for the region. If these changes continue to spread to other parts of Antarctica, we could be seeing rapid and lasting transformations in its landscape and biodiversity.

Long-term consequences

Climate change has turned Antarctica into a natural laboratory for studying how fragile ecosystems respond to global warming. The expansion of vegetation in the region is a clear indicator of these changes, but it is also a warning of the profound implications they could have for the rest of the planet. As global warming continues, we are likely to see further transformations in this unique landscape and in other equally vulnerable places.

Continued monitoring and research are essential to mitigate the effects of climate change and to protect the biodiversity and ecosystems of Antarctica and the world at large.

Sensorial Sunsets

During 1818, the ruthless Captain General José de Bustamante Guerra left power because the Spanish Crown needed him in the ranks of the Royal Armies. He was replaced by Carlos Urrutia, a man of weak character, in whose government the independentistas gained ground. In 1820, the King of Spain, Ferdinand VII, was forced to reestablish the Cadiz Constitution of 1812 by the liberal coup d’état led by Rafael del Riego. As a result, freedom of the press was implemented in Central America. The Riego Revolution, in Spain, reestablished the validity of the Cadiz Constitution. The Captain General of Guatemala, Carlos Urrutia, swore the Constitution in July of that year and, shortly after, elections were called to elect City Councils and Provincial Councils.

1821: The Decisive Year for Central American Independence

The same year, Doctor Pedro Molina Mazariegos, leader of the liberal Creoles, began to publish “El Editor Constitucional”, a newspaper in which he criticized the colonial government, defended the rights of Central Americans and promoted independence. In Mexico, the revolution that had begun in 1810 had been put down by the Spanish authorities, but with the new rupture of the constitutional order in Spain, the Creole forces rose again, this time by the hand of Count Agustín de Iturbide, together with other rebels, declared independence from Spain through the Plan de Iguala on February 24, 1821 and even offered the throne of New Spain to King Ferdinand VII, given his weak position in the Spanish government at that time.

This news disconcerted the Guatemalan authorities and, at the same time, served as a stimulus to the pro-independence cause. On March 9, the pro-independence liberals pressured Captain General Carlos de Urrutia to leave his post, which was occupied by the Sub-Inspector of the Army, Gabino Gaínza, who had recently arrived in Guatemala. Although he initially made it public knowledge that he would not tolerate independence movements, under his command Central America experienced social unrest of intolerable levels that forced the provincial deputation and the aristocratic Creoles to ask Gaínza for a meeting to discuss the difficult issue of independence.

Independence of Central America: From 1821 to 2021

Two hundred years have passed since Central America broke the chains that bound it to Spain. Our country, along with Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador and Nicaragua, was part of that event that enabled it to begin an era full of hope. After the Aycinena family negotiated the independence of Central America with Captain General Gabino Gaínza on September 15, 1821, a deep crisis arose in León de Nicaragua.

While in the city of Granada a town meeting was held with the presence of Spanish authorities and the Creole town council, declaring their agreement with independence from Spain, in the province of Leon they recognized independence, but under a series of conditions. This Leonese declaration is known as the “Acta de los Nublados” (Act of the Clouds). The separation was carried out without bloodshed. Spain, exhausted by the war against the French and the war it was still waging in South America, could no longer intervene in Mexico or Central America. Riego’s Liberal Revolution also contributed to the detention in the Peninsula of the troops that were ready to embark for the American colonies.

Costa Rica on Hold: “Until the Clouds of the Day Clear”

Costa Rica became independent from the Spanish Empire on September 15, 1821, together with the other provinces of the former Captaincy General of Guatemala. The independence, decided in Guatemala, had gone unnoticed by the Costa Ricans, who found out about it by surprise when the news arrived in Cartago on October 13, 1821, when Captain Juan Manuel de Cañas was governor.

Along with this news of independence came a document dated September 16, 1821, written by Licenciado José Cecilio del Valle and signed by Captain General Gabino Gaínza. Another document also arrived known as the “Acta de los Nublados”, written in Leon, Nicaragua, on September 28, 1821.

The Act of the Clouds declares independence from the authorities of Guatemala unilaterally, without any consultation with the inhabitants of the province. In addition, it expresses the desire for autonomy that had already been expressed in 1812, when León aspired to become a Captaincy General. There is no doubt that the section by which the Act is known, however, seems to establish a “waiting period”, in case King Ferdinand VII decided to send reinforcements to quell the independence movements.

The ” Act of the Clouds” expressed the disagreement of the Intendencia de León (to which Costa Rica belonged) with the agreement of the Guatemalan authorities, asking the Costa Ricans to wait “until the clouds of the day clear up”. This reflected the uncertainty as to whether the Spaniards would reverse the independence.

Other countries such as Mexico and Peru, the Spaniards lived a lazy life thanks to the riches of the country and the work provided by the indigenous people. In Costa Rica, due to the lack of mines, communication routes, commerce and the scarce population, they were reduced to great poverty, and had to cultivate the land with their own hands to avoid starvation. Poverty was such that in the early eighteenth century cocoa circulated as currency due to the scarcity of silver.

Subsistence economy

Cartago, seat of the Governors and capital of the province, in 1723 consisted of about 70 adobe and tile houses, a main church and three chapels; there was no doctor, no pharmacies, and no grocery stores. However, we must not confuse that poverty with misery, since in the colony there was no misery, and it can be assured that the cupboards of the Costa Ricans were never fuller than at that time. If there was no sale of foodstuffs in Cartago, capital of the province, it was precisely because they were not needed.

The simple farmer, a human product of the colony, lived quietly and dedicated to the cultivation of his plot of land, which provided him with corn, beans, yucca, wheat, tobacco, sugar cane and many other products necessary for his subsistence. In addition, he had a few head of cattle, pigs and horses that provided him with meat, milk and transportation. It was a typically homemade economy.

When another document mentions that in Cubujuquí, a town that barely had 200 families, there were more than one hundred sugar mills, this shows that each family had its own sugar cane plantation and its own sweet production. As for the fact that in Cartago the houses were made of adobe and tile, it was simply the fashion of the time. Poverty in the colony consisted mainly in the lack of luxury, money and lack of progress. There were no means of communication, commerce was of little volume and industry was almost non-existent.

The impact of coffee on economic transformation

It was with the introduction of coffee, at the end of the colony and the beginning of independence, that the country’s panorama changed completely. With the sales of coffee abroad, money began to circulate, luxury, silks, cashmeres, jewelry and household goods, among others, appeared. Progress began, but at the same time misery arose. The farmer sold his land to more enterprising people who formed large coffee plantations, becoming a laborer or wage earner, leading to misery.

During the colonial period, there was no movement of rebellion against Spanish power in Costa Rica. The economic life, weak and limited, did not allow the formation of powerful classes to defend their interests against the Spaniards. The property, as mentioned before, was distributed, and each family had its own land to cultivate what it needed. This economy did not allow the creation of large urban centers. The small human centers that emerged, such as Cartago, Heredia, San José and Alajuela, were small villages of slow and simple life. These reasons explain why there was not an environment conducive to political concerns.

The end of the colony: The transition to independence

Costa Rica did not feel the arbitrary oppression of the Spanish authorities that was cruel and intolerable elsewhere. The Spaniards, although with some pretensions, did not make themselves felt in colonial life, and the Creoles enjoyed great freedom and peace, without being interested in the progress of the colony.

Our colonial authorities, especially in the last years, were good men, kind patriarchs. Don Tomás de Acosta governed from 1797 to 1810. During the governorship of Don Juan de Dios de Ayala, from 1810 to 1819, the residents of San José decided to create in 1814 an educational center by public subscription, known as the Casa de Enseñanza de Santo Tomás. Don Rafael Francisco de Osejo, a native of Nicaragua, was brought in to direct it. Philosophy, Grammar, Theology, Morals, Reading and Writing were taught. Before this center of higher education, the rural culture had only basic schools with simple learning tools: La Cartilla and El Catón.

A Market with Style and Awareness

On this return they have selected the best dealers for you to find essential products, ideal to give a new look to your routine and define your best style responsibly. Here you will find a unique curation of:

• Vintage
• Thrifted
• Upcycling
• Slow Fashion
• Collectables
• Eco
• Shoes
• Accessories
• Prints

All this, accompanied by the best music by Oscar Acetatos and Ritmos Mulatos, who will delight us with their vinyl collections and vibrant rhythms.

Barter Zone is back

One of the great successes of our last event was the Barter Zone. This dynamic not only encourages responsible consumption, but also promotes the reuse and conscious exchange of objects that we no longer use.

Bombazar: A Safe Space for Everyone

At Bombazar, we seek to create a positive impact to generate community. That’s why you can bring your friends, family and loved ones to enjoy a day full of style, music and awareness in the safe place top of San Jose.

To become a Bombazar dealer, you can follow these steps:

• Visit the website: Go to Bombazar’s official website, where you will find specific information on how to become a dealer and the necessary requirements.
• Select a plan: Bombazar offers different plans for dealers, so you should choose the one that best suits your needs and type of products you want to sell, such as antiques, vintage fashion, organic products, among others.
• Costs and requirements: Find out about the cost of the right to sell and the specific requirements to participate in the fairs and in the online store. These details are available in the FAQ section of the website.
• Registration and contact: Complete the dealer registration process, which may include filling out a form and possibly contacting Bombazar directly for more details about participating in their events and selling products.
• Fair participation: Once registered, you will be able to participate in the fairs organized by Bombazar, where you can exhibit and sell your products to an audience interested in vintage and sustainable fashion.

Sensorial Sunsets

Characteristics & Habitat

The red frog inhabits mainly the mountain rainforests of Costa Rica, particularly in protected areas such as national parks. Its body is highlighted by an aposematic color pattern: a vibrant red on the body and blue on the legs. Such coloration is not only an aesthetic attribute, but a clear warning to potential predators of its toxicity. They secrete a poisonous substance through their skin, this natural defense makes them dangerous to handle without proper precautions.

Despite its diminutive size, the red frog exhibits fascinating reproductive behavior. Males use vocalizations to attract females and then guard the eggs until they hatch. Once hatched, the mother transports the tadpoles individually, hiding them in water reservoirs in the axils of bromeliads, where she feeds them with sterile eggs. This method of rearing is not only unique, but crucial to the survival of the species in its natural habitat.

The Red-eyed Tree Frog: Importance and Conservation

The Red-eyed Tree Frog is not only a symbol of Costa Rica’s biodiversity, but also an indicator of the health of rainforest ecosystems. Despite its relative abundance in certain regions such as the Sarapiqui and Tirimbina mountains, the species faces significant challenges due to habitat loss, pollution and climate change. Its rediscovery in Juan Castro Blanco National Park in 2016, after decades without being seen, highlights the importance of conservation efforts and continued scientific research.

Factors that contributed to its reappearance include favorable climatic conditions and the persistence of scientists in the search for suitable habitats.

Challenges and Future

Besides the red frog, other endemic species of Costa Rica face serious risks of extinction due to deforestation, climate change, and other human activities. It is essential to continue conservation and environmental education efforts to ensure that these emblematic species continue to thrive in their natural habitat.

To conclude, the Red-eyed Tree Frog represents not only the incredible biological diversity of Costa Rica, but also the urgent need to protect and preserve the ecosystems that support this biodiversity. Its beauty, unique behavior and crucial role in mountain ecosystems make it an icon of conservation and an inspiration for future generations dedicated to environmental protection.

Costa Rica, with its commitment to sustainability and conservation, continues to be a global example of how biodiversity can coexist harmoniously with human development, provided that adequate measures are taken to protect and respect it.

Sensorial Sunsets

The mantled howler monkey (Alouatta palliata)

The white-faced capuchin (Cebus imitator)

The Central American squirrel monkey (Saimiri oerstedii)

The Geoffroy’s spider monkey (Ateles geoffroyi)

These arboreal creatures inhabit diverse ecosystems, from dry to rainforests, and feed mainly on leaves, fruits and flowers, although some also consume insects and small vertebrates.

Social Behavior & Adaptation

A variety of behaviors within their groups, such as playing, fighting, communicating, and grooming, are highly social. These behaviors strengthen group hierarchies and ensure social cohesion. However, habitat loss and fragmentation due to deforestation and urbanization have forced them to adapt in worrying ways. Some of the adaptations observed include:

• Terrestrial Displacement: Spend more time on the ground rather than in the trees.
• Change in Diet: Consume less nutritious foods.
• Care of the Young: Leaving the infants alone to get food from tourists.

These adaptations make them more vulnerable to predators and disease, with species such as the spider monkey being especially susceptible due to their need for large tracts of intact forest.

Costa Rica’s Monkeys: Conservation Challenges

Monkey populations in Costa Rica have drastically declined. In 2009, it was estimated that only 104,000 individuals of the four species remained. The main causes of this decline include:

• Habitat Loss and Fragmentation: Mainly due to deforestation and urbanization.
• Poaching and Illegal Trafficking: Monkeys are hunted and trafficked as pets.
• Detrimental Interaction with Humans: Feeding and harassment by tourists.

Species such as the spider monkey are endangered. To meet these challenges, conservation strategies such as the creation of biological corridors, watershed protection, environmental education about the importance of monkeys, and political will and resources to protect wildlife are needed.

Despite the challenges, there are success stories. In areas such as Tamarindo, monkey populations have begun to recover thanks to conservation and education efforts. With continued focus on these areas, it is possible to ensure the long-term survival of these fascinating species.

Impact of Ecotourism on White-faced Monkeys

Ecotourism, although vital for the economy and environmental awareness, has had a notable impact on the behavior of white-faced monkeys. In areas with greater tourism development, such as the Curú Wildlife Refuge, these monkeys have shown a high degree of habituation to humans, which is manifested in:

• Lower Aggressiveness: Reduction of aggressive or threatening behavior towards humans.
• Change in behavior: More time spent on activities such as feeding and grooming in the presence of people.

In contrast, groups that avoid areas with human activity maintain a greater fear and avoid contact with humans. This excessive habituation may lead monkeys to lose their fear of humans and include them in their social interactions, which could be detrimental to their long-term well-being.

Sensorial Sunsets